The Next Abortion Warriors
Meet the two lawyers who are preparing to argue the first abortion case to come before the Supreme Court since Brett Kavanaugh came aboard.
January 27, 2020 Issue, The New Yorker
(posted online Jan 20)
By Laura Lane
An invitation for a cocktail party honoring lawyers, especially highly skilled ones who are about to argue one of the most momentous cases of the year—the next Supreme Court abortion case—tends to read like a legal document. “Guests are invited to come and go as they please,” noted a message from the Center for Reproductive Rights, a legal-advocacy nonprofit. The party was held in the kitchen at the center’s offices, in a high-rise in the South Street Seaport. The two lead attorneys on June Medical Services, LLC v. Gee (not quite as catchy as Roe v. Wade) whom attendees had come to meet—Julie Rikelman and T. J. Tu—talked with guests while such phrases as “Bogus sham laws!” and “Second-class citizens!” ricochetted around the kitchen island.
SCOTUS 'TRAP law' case and the erosion of abortion rights
BY BRIDGET KELLY, OPINION CONTRIBUTOR
Actress Michelle Williams got some traction when she used her Golden Globe acceptance speech to champion abortion rights, saying she was “grateful to have lived at a moment in our society where choice exists.” But the moment she spoke of may be fleeting.
Three days before Willams’s speech, over 200 members of Congress signed onto an amicus brief urging the Supreme Court to reconsider, if not overturn, Roe v. Wade, the 1973 landmark decision legalizing abortion in the U.S.
The Last Decade Was Disastrous For Abortion Rights. Advocates Are Trying To Figure Out What’s Next.
This year, the battle over abortion rights reached a fever pitch. That’s what this entire decade was building toward.
Ema O'Connor BuzzFeed News Reporter
Posted on December 17, 2019
As the decade draws to a close, the national right to abortion is in the most vulnerable place it’s been in decades.
Since 2010, hundreds of laws restricting abortion access have been enacted all over the country, making the procedure less attainable and forcing abortion clinics to close. The US has gone from having around 1,720 facilities that perform abortions in 2011 to 1,587 in 2017 (the last year reproductive rights group Guttmacher Institute surveyed). As of this year, there are six states with only one abortion clinic left. Twenty-five abortion bans were signed into law in 2019 alone, leading to nationwide protests. Though all, so far, have been blocked by the courts, a major fight over abortion rights at the Supreme Court is yet to come.
What June v. Gee Could Mean for Abortion Access Across the South
by Mia Raven
The announcement that the Supreme Court is taking up June Medical Services v. Gee proves two things about the United State’s new ultra-conservative Court bench: that it has an utter disregard for any sort of standing legal precedent, and that it clearly views itself as yet another partisan body rather than an independent branch of the U.S. government.
While neither revelation is entirely shocking, both spell disaster for the future right to bodily autonomy of those who are able to get pregnant—especially in the South.
Fighting for Abortion Access in the South
A fund in Georgia is responding to restrictive legislation with a familial kind of care.
By Alexis Okeowo
Oct 14th issue, the New Yorker
In June, 1994, at a pro-choice conference in Chicago, twelve black women gathered together to talk. One, Loretta Ross, was the executive director of the first rape crisis center in this country. Another, Toni Bond, was the executive director of the Chicago Abortion Fund. A third, Cynthia Newbille, was the leader of the National Black Women’s Health Project, which was among the first national organizations to be devoted to the wellness of black women and girls. After the first day of the event, which was hosted by the Illinois Pro-Choice Alliance and the Ms. Foundation, the group met in a hotel room. “We did what black women do when we’re in spaces where there are just a handful of us,” Bond, who is now a religious scholar, recalled. “We pulled the sistas together and talked about what was missing.”
Anti-Abortion Lawmakers Want the State to Know Everything About Your Abortion
Dozens of states require abortion providers to submit data that's not necessary for public health purposes. Experts say the requirements intimidate patients and providers, and could even be used to criminalize abortion.
by Garnet Henderson
Oct 10 2019
Brent Blue has been practicing medicine in Jackson, Wyoming, for 38 years. At his family medicine and urgent care practice, he also provides abortions. As of July 1, each time he performs an abortion he must submit a report to the state including information about the patient’s age, race, county of residence, and previous pregnancies, including the patient’s number of past abortions, miscarriages, births, and number of children living or dead. It also requires details of the termination, including the type of procedure used, complications, and gestational age of the fetus—including fetal weight and length.
Restrictive Abortion Laws Have Consequences That Reach Far Beyond State Lines
Abortion providers are preparing for a ripple effect.
July 31, 2019
By Mattie Quinn
When we talk about the wave of proposed abortion restrictions sweeping the nation, we often focus on people in the states where those bans would go into effect. Those in Alabama who wouldn’t be able to access abortion unless their health or lives were in danger. People in Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Ohio who would be barred from getting an abortion after six weeks of pregnancy. Those in Missouri who would be beholden to a law outlawing abortion after eight weeks gestation. The doctors who could face criminal charges if they were to perform certain types of abortions anyway.
How Health Officials in Pro-Life States Are Quietly Dismantling Abortion Access
Without the fanfare of a bill signing or a Supreme Court decision, the first state without an abortion clinic is in sight.
July 31, 2019
One spring day in 2017, Dr. Ernest Marshall received an inauspicious letter from the Kentucky Cabinet for Health and Family Services, the state's health agency. Marshall, a Louisville native with a round face and a trimmed mustache, has been an OB-GYN and teacher with the University of Louisville School of Medicine for nearly four decades. For just as long, he's owned what is now the state's last abortion clinic. EMW Women's Surgical Center sits on a stretch of sprawling, sparsely populated real estate in downtown Louisville, across from a cinema-sized money lender and down the block from a Subway restaurant.
Louisiana braces for latest turn of the screw on abortion rights
The state legislature is to vote on a bill banning terminations after six weeks but so-called Trap laws have already severely restricted access
Jamiles Lartey in New Orleans
Wed 29 May 2019
Kathaleen Pittman still remembers the first time she had to turn away a patient because of new intrusive anti-abortion laws in Louisiana.
“We had the patient already prepped and ready to go – medicated and everything. Then we got a call from our attorney saying that the governor had just signed the 24-hour waiting period into law,” said Pittman, who has worked on staff at the Hope Medical Group For Women in Shreveport for more than 26 years.
250 Abortion Restrictions Have Been Introduced In The U.S. This Year Alone, Report Says
April 1, 2019
Amid constant news of unconstitutional abortion bans like Georgia's "fetal heartbeat bill," passed on Friday, a new report found that anti-choice lawmakers in 41 states have introduced over 250 bills restricting access to abortion care in the first months of 2019 alone. The report was released on Wednesday by the Planned Parenthood Federation of America and Guttmacher Institute.
For years, conservative lawmakers have relentlessly introduced and passed measures such as waiting periods, targeted regulation of abortion providers (TRAP) laws, limits on abortion medication, and restrictions that dictate at which point in their pregnancies women can terminate them. The anti-choice crusade has led to an uptick in abortion deserts, places where people have to travel 100 miles or more to access care. A total of six states has been left with only one abortion provider to serve the entire state.