For many women, abortion access was already limited. Then COVID-19 hit
Coronavirus—and restrictions on “elective procedures” in states like Texas—have made accessing reproductive healthcare harder than ever. But providers are getting creative.
By Pavithra Mohanlong Read
On a Thursday in early April, Shanthi Ramesh saw three patients back to back. They were all healthcare workers on the front lines of the coronavirus pandemic. Two of them worked in a local emergency room, while the other was driving up to New York the next day to volunteer at a hospital.
They had another thing in common: All three women had gone to Ramesh’s clinic to get an abortion.
Paying for an Abortion Was Already Hard. The COVID-19 Economic Downturn Has Made It Even Harder.
With anti-abortion state officials using COVID-19 to stop legal abortion and millions losing their jobs, abortion funds are seeing a crush of requests.
Mar 27, 2020
For people seeking abortion care, the COVID-19 pandemic has made an already difficult situation harder.
In recent weeks, millions have lost their job, and parents are struggling to afford necessary childcare as schools across the United States have closed until further notice. People are faced with abortion costs that, for most, were difficult to afford in the first place. To make matters worse, states like Texas and Oklahoma have classified abortion care as “nonessential” in their COVID-19 response.
The #MeToo Case That Divided the Abortion-Rights Movement
When an activist accused one of the most respected physicians in the movement of sexually assaulting her, everyone quickly took sides.
Story by Maggie Bullock
March 2020 Issue, Atlantic Magazine
(Posted Feb 21, 2020)
On a 92-degree morning in September, three clinic escorts gathered in the meager shade of a tree outside the Alabama Women’s Center for Reproductive Alternatives. They arrive here at 8:30 a.m. on the dot, regular as clock-punchers, on the three days a week the Huntsville clinic is open to perform abortions. The women and girls arrive dressed for comfort in sweatpants and shower slides, carrying pillows from home or holding the hand of a partner or friend. The escorts, meanwhile, wear brightly colored vests and wield giant umbrellas to block the incoming patients from the sight, if not the sound, of the other group that comes here like clockwork: the protesters.
Sometimes there are as many as a dozen. This day there were four: one woman, three men, all white. Four doesn’t sound like that many until you’re downwind of them maniacally hollering: Mommy, don’t kill me! You’re lynching your black baby! They rip their arms and legs off! They suffer! They torture them!
Democratic Candidates Need to Do Better for Abortion Rights Than Promising to Make Roe v. Wade Law
Roe v. Wade already fails the most vulnerable.
By Mia Raven
November 20, 2019
When the Democratic candidates meet in Atlanta on November 20 for the latest debate, 40% of the participating contenders will be female. The historic number of women running for president in 2020 has dramatically changed the policies candidates are asked about, including introducing a nuanced debate question regarding abortion rights in the United States. While this question, asked at the October debate, was a fantastic first step, we were disappointed to see so many candidates state that their primary concern was to "codify Roe v. Wade." While the landmark case making it unconstitutional to outlaw abortion is important, it's not enough for candidates today to promise to make the Supreme Court decision federal law. Roe itself doesn't offer many of the protections we need if we want to make abortion accessible for all people capable of giving birth — especially for black, brown, and other marginalized people.
Fighting for Abortion Access in the South
A fund in Georgia is responding to restrictive legislation with a familial kind of care.
By Alexis Okeowo
Oct 14th issue, the New Yorker
In June, 1994, at a pro-choice conference in Chicago, twelve black women gathered together to talk. One, Loretta Ross, was the executive director of the first rape crisis center in this country. Another, Toni Bond, was the executive director of the Chicago Abortion Fund. A third, Cynthia Newbille, was the leader of the National Black Women’s Health Project, which was among the first national organizations to be devoted to the wellness of black women and girls. After the first day of the event, which was hosted by the Illinois Pro-Choice Alliance and the Ms. Foundation, the group met in a hotel room. “We did what black women do when we’re in spaces where there are just a handful of us,” Bond, who is now a religious scholar, recalled. “We pulled the sistas together and talked about what was missing.”
As clinics close, more women go out of state for abortions
By Christina A. Cassidy, The Associated Press
on September 8, 2019
ATLANTA — At a routine ultrasound when she was five months pregnant, Hevan Lunsford began to panic when the technician took longer than normal, then told her she would need to see a specialist.
Lunsford, a nurse in Alabama, knew it was serious and begged for an appointment the next day.
Restrictive Abortion Laws Have Consequences That Reach Far Beyond State Lines
Abortion providers are preparing for a ripple effect.
July 31, 2019
By Mattie Quinn
When we talk about the wave of proposed abortion restrictions sweeping the nation, we often focus on people in the states where those bans would go into effect. Those in Alabama who wouldn’t be able to access abortion unless their health or lives were in danger. People in Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Ohio who would be barred from getting an abortion after six weeks of pregnancy. Those in Missouri who would be beholden to a law outlawing abortion after eight weeks gestation. The doctors who could face criminal charges if they were to perform certain types of abortions anyway.
The Road to Abortion Is Paved With Bad Bus Routes
July 1, 2019
According to the Guttmacher Institute, roughly 75 percent of those who get abortions are poor or low-income — not necessarily a surprise, given the lack of access to affordable preventative health care and contraception. Unlike most medical procedures, the majority of states don’t cover terminating a pregnancy through Medicaid (with very narrow exceptions), leaving patients to pay for the procedure out of pocket. But for low-income patients — especially in rural areas across the country — finding the funds to pay for an abortion out of pocket is quite literally only half the battle.
The other half? Paying to get to the procedure itself — a task that can cost hundreds of dollars on its own and eat up hours, if not days, of travel time in states that lack usable local public transit systems or mass transportation between rural and urban areas.
A pregnant woman was shot in the stomach. She was charged in the death of the fetus.
By Michael Brice-Saddler and Alex Horton
June 28, 2019
A 27-year-old Alabama woman was indicted on manslaughter charges Wednesday in the loss of her pregnancy, even though, police say, another woman pulled the trigger.
The moment quickly became a flash point in the broader debate over abortion, particularly in Alabama, and raised questions over how fairly manslaughter charges can be applied in the state.
Alabama woman loses unborn child after being shot, gets arrested; shooter goes free
Posted Jun 26, 2019
By Carol Robinson
A woman whose unborn baby was killed in a 2018 Pleasant Grove shooting has now been indicted in the death.
Marshae Jones, a 27-year-old Birmingham woman, was indicted by a Jefferson County grand jury on a manslaughter charge. She was taken into custody on Wednesday.