As South Australia debates a bill to decriminalise abortion, the same misinformation is being peddled
Thu 29 Oct 2020
It wouldn’t be a debate about abortion without a flagrant misinformation campaign about terminations after the first trimester.
A bill to decriminalise abortion was this month introduced in South Australia, the last jurisdiction to do so, and opponents of the legislation have already set about claiming if passed it would legalise and in fact encourage “abortion up to birth”, an offensive but ultimately meaningless phrase. It has been the relentless catchphrase of anti-abortion lobbyists, religious leaders and conservative politicians in every single push to modernise abortion laws in this country but it is not uniquely Australian.
Exclusive: claims made in campaign material by rightwing lobby group Cherish Life about abortion laws are labelled ‘disinformation’
Fri 16 Oct 2020
The Liberal National party senator Gerard Rennick and the Brisbane Broncos chairman, Karl Morris, are among the financial backers of a prominent anti-abortion “disinformation” campaign targeting marginal seats ahead of the Queensland election.
Billboards, leaflets and advertisements authorised by the lobby group, Cherish Life, include provocative statements about Queensland’s abortion laws that have repeatedly been found to be baseless.
Deb Frecklington seeks broad support in a state that backs abortion rights, but some LNP MPs and poll candidates are pressing for a more divisive approach
Fri 16 Oct 2020
At a campaign stop this week, the Queensland opposition leader, Deb Frecklington, was asked about the Liberal National party’s policy to review the state’s abortion laws. She quickly changed the subject.
“I haven’t got the details of that yet, it’s not a priority,” Frecklington said.
Sep 22, 2020
Religious leaders under the Religious Network for Choice (RNC) in Malawi have expressed support for the Termination of Pregnancy Bill and have condemned assertions that those who support the bill are evil.
At a press conference in Blantyre today, the RNC members said individual faith leaders and religious mother bodies that are against the bill want to portray those that are supporting the bill as evil people who do not care about the unborn babies and their rights.
September 17, 2020
If President Trump wins Wisconsin again, he'll have Republican stalwarts like Mary Ludwig to thank. "I always vote Republican because I'm so against abortion," she said, sitting next to a lake in the Milwaukee suburb of Oconomowoc on a recent summer evening.
Ludwig has some reservations about Trump; she says that she doesn't like the "offensive" things he says. On the other hand, she also has things she admires about him: She really likes his kids and thinks he's handling the economy well.
By Osub Ahmed, Shilpa Phadke, and Diana Boesch
September 10, 2020
From the first day of Donald Trump’s presidency, his administration has used every tool in its arsenal to chip away at women’s health, employment, economic security, and rights overall. One of the administration’s most effective, and at times less noticed, tools to crafting this harmful agenda against women has been to use the standard agency rule-making process as a political weapon.1 Frequently ignoring relevant data and research, the Trump administration has used the rule-making process to issue guidance, interpret public policy, and implement statutes in ways that are fundamentally harmful to women, often pushing beyond the limits of its legal authority while consistently underestimating the financial costs and dismissing the human impact of its rules.2
It’s time to put to rest the myth that abortion hurts women.
By Melissa Jeltsen, HuffPost US
For decades, anti-abortion activists have argued that abortion is harmful to
women, claiming that it often leads to regret, mental health issues and dependence
on drugs and alcohol. Even former Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy bought
into this reasoning, writing in 2007 that those who have abortions may
experience “severe depression” and a loss of self-esteem.
That thinking has been used to justify onerous abortion restrictions, such as
long waiting periods, that can make it harder to obtain the procedure and even
effectively bar it for some.
28 August 2020
When Donald Trump took to the stage of the Republican National Convention, he
talked about abortion in a way that may have shocked those in the UK.
The anti-choice US President, whose base includes Evangelical Christians happy
to turn a blind eye to extra-marital affairs and divorce so long as their man
in the White House undermines women’s reproductive rights, declared: “Joe Biden
claims he has empathy for the vulnerable – yet the party he leads supports the
extreme late-term abortion of defenseless babies right up to the moment of
birth. Democrat leaders talk about moral decency, but they have no problem with
stopping a baby’s beating heart in the ninth month of pregnancy.”
During a speech at the RNC, anti-abortion activist Abby Johnson said the procedure "has a smell." She's right. It's just not what she thinks.
by DANIELLE CAMPOAMOR
AUG 27, 2020
During night two of the RNC, anti-abortion activist Abby Johnson took the stage to do what she does best: lie about abortion and the people, like me, who have had them. Among the litany of truly bonkers, and not to mention dangerous, claims Johnson made in her four- minute and thirty-four second speech was the notion that "abortion has a smell." While the woman who advocates for "head-of-household voting" and is best known for arguing that her Black son is, in fact, statistically more likely to commit a crime than her white children did her best to depict abortion as a brutal act—and not a common, safe, legal medical procedure—she did get one thing right.
My abortion did have a smell. It smelled like the perfume the kind, thoughtful, capable nurse was wearing as she held my hand during the seven-minute surgical abortion.
Protecting reproductive freedom is a winning issue with the American public. So why are we in the midst of an all-out assault on it?
By Ilyse Hogue
August 13, 2020
In political conversations about abortion in the U.S., one critical fact is far too consistently ignored: The overwhelming majority of Americans support—and always have supported—maintaining the legal right to abortion. Right now that support is at an all-time high of 77%. But in 1972, a year before Roe v. Wade, more than two thirds of even Republicans agreed that abortion was a private matter between a woman and her doctor. Protecting reproductive freedom is a winning issue with the American public. So why are we in the midst of an all-out assault on reproductive freedom?
Republican voters, like almost all people, want to believe that their chosen course is the moral one. At the same time, most people choose not to argue morality with others, believing it is a personal code, not a political one.